The 1968 Condon Report was a rigged whitewash, engineered from the start to bury UFOs regardless of the evidence
Where the evidence lands: DisputedThat the University of Colorado UFO study was never an honest inquiry but a rigged exercise: that its negative conclusion was decided in advance, that Robert Low's “trick” memo proves the outcome was engineered, that Edward Condon steered the project toward dismissal and purged investigators who found otherwise, and that the report therefore functioned as an official whitewash to justify ending government UFO investigation regardless of what the evidence actually showed.
Believed by: UFO research organizations of the era (notably NICAP and APRO) and a set of credentialed scientist-critics, including atmospheric physicist James E. McDonald, astronomer J. Allen Hynek, dismissed committee member David Saunders, and later Stanford physicist Peter Sturrock; the charge is still cited by modern UAP advocates
The full story
What is documented
Start with the facts that no one disputes, because in this case they are unusually solid. Between 1966 and 1968 the University of Colorado carried out the Scientific Study of Unidentified Flying Objects, funded by the U.S. Air Force and led by Edward U. Condon, a physicist of genuine eminence who had directed the National Bureau of Standards. It was the largest scientific examination of the UFO question a government had ever backed.
The report ran to roughly 1,485 pages. Its summary, written by Condon, concluded that little of scientific value had come from twenty years of UFO study and that further extensive study probably could not be justified in the expectation of advancing science. On the strength of that finding, and a supporting review by the National Academy of Sciences, the Air Force closed Project Blue Book in December 1969, ending official U.S. investigation of the subject.
And the memo is real. In August 1966, before the contract was signed, the project coordinator Robert Low wrote that “the trick” would be to describe the project so that, to the public, it would appear a totally objective study, while to the scientific community it would present a group of non-believers with almost zero expectation of finding a saucer. So the question this file weighs is not whether the study happened or whether the memo exists. Both are settled. It is whether the memo, the firings, and Condon's conduct prove the larger charge: that the whole exercise was a rigged whitewash, its answer fixed before it began.
The case that it was rigged
The whitewash argument is not a paranoid stretch, and it deserves to be stated at full strength, because unlike most such claims it rests on documents rather than vibes.
It begins with the memo itself. There is no need to infer bad faith when the coordinator wrote the word trick in his own hand, and described a plan to make the study appearobjective while expecting to find nothing. To critics, that is not a stray phrase; it is the project's true purpose recorded in advance.
It is reinforced by the firings. When staff members David Saunders and Norman Levine grew critical and helped circulate the memo, Condon dismissed them for incompetence. They said, publicly, that they were purged for disagreeing. A study that removes the people who dissent, and does so just as they raise the alarm, behaves exactly as a cover-up would.
And it is sharpened by the mismatchbetween the report's contents and its conclusions. The body of the work left around a third of examined cases unexplained. Yet Condon's summary declared that nothing of interest had emerged. Serious scientists, among them James McDonald, J. Allen Hynek, and later Peter Sturrock, argued the conclusion simply did not follow from the data beneath it.
A memo that says “the trick,” two investigators fired as they raised objections, and a summary that waved away a third of its own unexplained cases. The suspicion of a fix did not come from nowhere; it came from the record.
Put together, and set against an Air Force that plainly wanted a reason to stop investigating UFOs, the pattern is coherent: a funder with a motive, a coordinator who anticipated the outcome, a director who purged dissent, and a conclusion that outran the evidence. That is the case at its most persuasive.
Where the whitewash charge is contested
The reply is not that the study was pristine. It is that each pillar of the whitewash charge supports a lesser conclusion than the one it is asked to carry, and that the leap from compromised to rigged is where the evidence thins.
Take the memo. It is genuine and embarrassing, but it was written before the contract, as an internal argument to wary administrators about whether a university should touch a subject that could damage its standing. Defenders read it as clumsy academic politics: Low reassuring his bosses that the project could be done without the school looking credulous. Even Saunders, no friend of the leadership, wrote that casting Low as a plotter was unfair and hardly accurate. The memo proves Low expected a negative result and worried about optics. That the expectation was then imposed on the actual case analyses is a separate claim the memo does not, by itself, establish.
Take the firings. A director who removes insubordinate staff amid a bitter internal feud has behaved badly, perhaps unjustly. But personnel warfare can coexist with case work that was done honestly. The firings show a dysfunctional and prejudiced project, which is real, and which is not the same as a fabricated result.
Take the mismatch. The unexplained cases are the strongest point, and also the most revealing, because they are in the published report. A true whitewash suppresses its inconvenient findings; the Condon Report printed them, leaving roughly a third of its cases unresolved for any reader to see. What critics fairly establish is that Condon's summary was skewed and dismissive relative to his own contents. That indicts the framing, not necessarily the science underneath it.
And the independent review complicates the fix. The National Academy of Sciences examined the report and endorsed its methods and conclusions. A bald rigging would have had to pass that gate too, which is a heavier lift than the whitewash story usually acknowledges.
The problem of the summary
It is worth dwelling on the single point where critics are on firmest ground, because it is also where the whitewash charge most often overreaches.
Condon wrote the report's opening summary, the part almost everyone actually read, and it is genuinely more dismissive than the technical chapters it introduced. The analysts had left a substantial fraction of cases unexplained; some had written up sightings they candidly could not account for. Condon's summary hardly engaged that material and instead pronounced the whole subject scientifically barren. McDonald and Sturrock, reviewing the same volume, concluded that a fairer reading of the contents would have been far more open-ended.
But notice what this does and does not show. It shows that a prejudiced or impatient director framed a large body of work to fit the conclusion he expected. That is a real and damaging finding. It does not show that the case analyses beneath the summary were invented, because those analyses, unexplained cases and all, were published. The honest verdict is that the packaging was skewed while the underlying data survived intact, which is precisely why the affair sits in the uncomfortable middle rather than at either pole.
A skewed summary laid over honestly published data is not the same thing as a fabricated study. The Condon Report can be a bad piece of science communication and still not be the total fix its critics describe.
Why the whitewash story endures
Of all the grievances in UFO history, the Condon affair is the one skeptics of officialdom return to first, and it endures for reasons that are largely to its credit and partly independent of what the science actually showed.
It endures because it has a real document. Most claims of an official fix ask you to trust that the smoking gun exists somewhere; this one can quote it. The word “trick,” in the coordinator's own memo, is the kind of detail that lodges in memory and needs no embellishment to unsettle.
It endures because credentialed insiders carried the charge. Fired committee members and respected scientists, not anonymous tipsters, said publicly that the conclusions betrayed the evidence. That gave the story a legitimacy fringe complaints never achieve, and turned a personnel dispute into a lasting indictment.
And it endures because it confirms a prior. To an audience already convinced that official science dismisses anomalies it finds inconvenient, the Condon Report is the founding case study: the government-funded report that closed the UFO files, remembered less for its hundreds of analyses than for the memo that seemed to reveal the outcome had been chosen first. Whether or not that memory is fair, it is powerful, and it is why the phrase Condon whitewash has outlived nearly everyone involved.
Where the evidence lands
Keep the two claims apart, because the whole discipline of this case lives in the gap between them. The documented record is solid: a real study, a real 1,485-page report, a real conclusion that ended government UFO investigation, and a real, genuinely damaging memo about a “trick.” None of that is in dispute, and it reflects poorly on how the project was led. The whitewash claim, that the study was a predetermined fix whose scientific findings were rigged to reach a foregone answer, is a different and larger assertion. On that claim the verdict is Disputed.
It is disputed, rather than confirmed, because the memo predates the contract and reads to serious observers as academic-politics reassurance, because the fired investigators' complaint is a charge of prejudice rather than proof of fabrication, because the unexplained cases were published rather than buried, and because an independent National Academy of Sciences panel endorsed the work. It is disputed, rather than debunked, because the memo, the firings, and Condon's dismissive summary are real, sourced, and troubling, and because credentialed scientists have argued in good faith for more than half a century that the conclusion betrayed the data.
The honest posture is to hold both halves at once. The Condon Report was, at minimum, a study with a compromised leadership and a skewed summary, and that alone is a fair and serious criticism. Whether it was also a deliberate whitewash, engineered from the start to reach a fixed answer, is a question the evidence genuinely leaves open, and reasonable people have landed on both sides of it. That unresolved tension, not a tidy verdict either way, is the whole of this case.
What's still unexplained
- How far Low's 1966 expectation of a negative result actually shaped the individual case analyses, as opposed to only the framing and the summary, is not resolved by the documents and is the crux of the whole dispute.
- Why Condon's summary conclusions gave so little weight to the roughly one-third of cases his own team left unexplained remains a fair criticism of the report, separate from whether the analyses themselves were sound.
- Whether the summary firing of Saunders and Levine was genuinely about competence or about dissent has never been settled to everyone's satisfaction, and the two sides told incompatible stories.
- Whether a study that was compromised in its leadership and framing can still have produced reliable underlying science is the deeper question the case leaves open, and reasonable people continue to answer it differently.
Point by point
The claim: The Low memo proves the conclusion was fixed in advance: it explicitly describes a “trick” to fake objectivity while expecting to find nothing.
What the record shows: The memo is genuine, its wording is damning, and it is the strongest single piece of the case. But its meaning is contested rather than settled. Low wrote it in August 1966, before the contract was signed, as an internal argument to nervous administrators about whether the university should take on a fringe subject that risked its reputation. Defenders, including committee member David Saunders, argued that reading Low as a plotter is unfair, and Hynek suggested Low was mainly trying to sell the project to the administration. So the memo proves that at least one coordinator anticipated a negative result and worried about presentation. Whether that expectation was then imposed on the actual scientific analyses, which is the whitewash claim, the memo alone does not establish.
The claim: Condon fired the two investigators who came back with positive findings, which is exactly what a cover-up looks like.
What the record shows: The firings of Saunders and Levine are documented, and the timing (after they helped circulate the memo and clashed with the leadership) is genuinely troubling. Condon called it incompetence; the two called it a purge for dissent, and considered a libel suit. The episode is real evidence of a poisoned, top-down project. It is not, by itself, proof that the science was rigged: personnel disputes, insubordination, and a director's hostility can coexist with case analyses that were done honestly. The firings show a dysfunctional, arguably prejudiced management, which is a lesser charge than a fabricated result.
The claim: Condon's own conclusions contradicted his staff's findings, so the report's summary was a distortion imposed over the data.
What the record shows: Critics have a real point here. The body of the report left roughly thirty percent of examined cases unexplained, and some analysts wrote up individual cases they could not account for in prosaic terms. Condon's headline summary, that nothing of value had emerged and further study was unjustified, sat awkwardly on top of that. Scientist-critics such as McDonald and Sturrock argued the summary did not fairly represent the contents. This supports the softer charge that Condon's framing was skewed and dismissive. It stops short of showing the underlying analyses were falsified: the unexplained cases are in the published report for anyone to read, which is not how a total whitewash usually works.
The claim: The whole thing was a foregone conclusion because the Air Force wanted a reason to end UFO investigation, and paid for the answer it needed.
What the record shows: The Air Force did fund the study and did use its conclusions to close Project Blue Book, and it plainly wanted out of a costly, embarrassing subject. That is motive, and it is real. But motive is not the same as a rigged execution. The National Academy of Sciences reviewed the report independently and endorsed its methodology and conclusions, which a bald fix would have had to survive. And an agency wanting a subject closed does not demonstrate that the several dozen scientists who did the case work invented their results. The funding and the convenient outcome are grounds for suspicion, not proof of fabrication.
The claim: Defenders say the study was honest science, so the whitewash charge is baseless.
What the record shows: This overstates the other side just as badly. The memo, the firings, and Condon's dismissive public conduct are not nothing, and pretending the project was a model of neutral inquiry ignores documented facts. The fair reading is that the study was compromised in its leadership and framing while still producing a large body of real case analysis, much of it published warts and all. That is why the verdict here is disputed rather than debunked: the evidence genuinely cuts both ways, and honest people have landed on opposite sides of it for more than fifty years.
Timeline
- 1966-08-09Robert Low, an administrator who would coordinate the project, writes a memo to two University of Colorado officials weighing whether to accept the Air Force contract. It contains the line later at the center of the scandal: that “the trick” would be to design the study so it appears objective to the public while presenting the scientific community a group of non-believers with almost zero expectation of finding a saucer.
- 1966-10-06The University of Colorado formally agrees to undertake the study for the Air Force, with physicist Edward U. Condon, a former director of the National Bureau of Standards, as scientific director. Funding, initially in the low hundreds of thousands of dollars, eventually rises past half a million.
- 1966-1968A staff of scientists examines UFO reports, ultimately treating in depth only around 90 to 140 cases despite access to thousands of Air Force files. Roughly a third of the cases the team analyzed would remain unexplained in the final report, a fact critics said the conclusions understated.
- 1967-07Atmospheric physicist James E. McDonald, a vocal proponent of taking UFO reports seriously, learns from a committee member of the Low memo sitting in the project's open files. He later writes to Condon quoting its lines, and the “trick” language begins to circulate among investigators.
- 1968-02Condon fires staff members David Saunders and Norman Levine, who had grown critical of the project's direction and had helped spread the memo. Condon cites incompetence; the two say they were purged for disagreeing. Assistant director Robert Low departs amid the fallout.
- 1968-04-30The National Investigations Committee on Aerial Phenomena (NICAP), which had been cooperating with the study, severs its ties. Its director, Donald Keyhoe, circulates copies of the Low memo, framing the project as a foregone conclusion dressed up as science.
- 1968-05John G. Fuller's article “Flying Saucer Fiasco” appears in Look magazine, publicizing the memo, the firings, and interviews with Saunders and Levine, and calling the project a $500,000 trick. The scandal reaches a national audience.
- 1969-01The report, Scientific Study of Unidentified Flying Objects, is released publicly (a mass-market edition follows). Condon's summary concludes that nothing of scientific value has come from UFO study and that further work cannot be justified, even as the body of the report leaves many cases unexplained.
- 1969-12-17Citing the Condon Report and a supporting review by the National Academy of Sciences, the Air Force announces the termination of Project Blue Book, ending official U.S. government investigation of UFOs after more than two decades.
From the case file
The actual records: declassified, released, or leaked. We link straight to each document in its official archive, so you never have to take our word for it. Read the originals yourself.
Disputed. Two things are documented and not in question. The study is real: from 1966 to 1968 the University of Colorado, under Air Force contract and led by physicist Edward U. Condon, produced the Scientific Study of Unidentified Flying Objects, which concluded that further study of UFOs could probably not be justified on scientific grounds. And the Low memo is real: in August 1966 the project's coordinator, Robert Low, wrote that “the trick” would be to make the study appear objective to the public while presenting the scientific community a group of non-believers with “almost zero expectation of finding a saucer.” The rated claim is the interpretive one built on those facts: that the study was a predetermined whitewash, rigged before it began to dismiss UFOs no matter what the data showed. That claim is disputed. The memo, the summary firing of two investigators, and Condon's own dismissive conduct give it real weight; but the memo predates the contract and reads to defenders as academic-politics reassurance, and no evidence shows the working case analyses were falsified. The whitewash charge is a serious, sourced argument, not a settled fact.
Sources
- 1.Condon Committee, Wikipedia
- 2.Condon Report, Encyclopaedia Britannica
- 3.CU the site of one of the last government-commissioned reports on UFOs. What does it say?, University of Colorado Boulder (CU Boulder Today) (2021)
- 4.Scientific Study of Unidentified Flying Objects (full text), National Capital Area Skeptics (1968)
- 5.Scientific Study of Unidentified Flying Objects (official report), Defense Technical Information Center (1968)
- 6.The Condon UFO Study: A Trick or a Conspiracy?, Skeptical Inquirer (Center for Inquiry) (1986)
- 7.The Condon Report on UFOs, HowStuffWorks
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